Great opportunity in an interesting city. The Cincinnati Schools Accelerator is seeking a CEO. If you are interested in city-based education reform strategies and have the background this is a tremendous opportunity. This new organization is a nonprofit that will dramatically change educational outcomes in Cincinnati by focusing resources on attracting and growing proven school models and building the talent pipeline needed to fuel a local system of high-performing schools. More information and specs through the link.
Important op-ed in the Wall Street Journal today about the issue of backfilling seats in charter schools. Princess Lyles and Dan Clark – two charter school supporters – argue that because charters can decide whether or not to admit students throughout the school year or in every grade (some schools start cohorts of students in a particular grade, say only 5th, 7th, or 9th for instance) thousands of students are being denied access to good schools.* Authorizers and charter laws should require backfilling throughout the year and in every grade Lyles and Clark argue.
Reaction was swift. As soon as the article hit Twitter Fordham’s Mike Petrilli responded that, “I’m sorry …but requiring #charterschools to backfill seats is a terrible idea.” I’m not so sure and would file this under the broader bucket of issues facing the charter school sector as its share of students grows overall and especially in communities where charters educate a third of the students or more. Read the rest of this entry »
During last night’s Super Bowl Nationwide Insurance ran an ad as part of its #makesafehappen campaign. It definitely was not puppies and horses. Instead, Nationwide portrayed all the life events a child killed in a childhood accident would miss. Here’s the ad:
Those watching the game hated it and lit up social media in response. OK, no one likes to get a big sad when they’re eating dip and watching men concuss themselves. But bravo to Nationwide for putting the issue of preventable childhood accidents front and center in a high visibility way. It’s not a contrived issue. Preventable injuries kill a lot of children, even accounting for car accidents.
Conservatives saw the ad as an extension of a soft nanny state society. But the ad wasn’t about things like letting your kids run free outside (I do that) or letting them go sledding (I do that, too), or rope swings (that, too!) or biking (yes) or climbing up things (constantly). Rather, it was about preventable accidents involving household items, burns, cleaners, tubs, and so forth. If conservatives want government out of people’s lives they can’t then protest ads (from the private sector no less) reminding people not to be idiots or even just inattentive – especially where children are involved.
The left, meanwhile, is obsessed by guns. But while you frequently get asked if you keep a firearm in your home (by babysitting co-ops, play groups, and so forth) rarely does anyone ask if you leave deadly chemicals where toddlers can get into them or whether you have secured heavy items to the wall so they can’t topple on curious little ones. And while sharpshooting toddlers are apparently a problem, for most kids it is a household cleaner, appliance, or falling bank of shelves posing a greater risk.* Not to be too glib about it, but while you’re obsessing about keeping your children in close proximity to kale, the Nationwide ad was a good reminder to be mindful of their proximity to a lot of stuff more likely to seriously harm them than a Twinkie.
Bottom line: Accidents affecting kids are a real issue. That’s why it’s not Nationwide being soft, it’s people who can’t be distracted from a football game and funny ads about chips for a 45-second dose of real life that just might save lives.
*Firearm accidents for young people make news but are relatively rare, more so than poison, burns, suffocation, and other accidents that get less attention. Homicides involving guns are a different story.
Farming is capital intensive. That’s one among many barriers to young farmers trying to break into farming and also an obstacle to transfer of farm property outside of families and a contributor to the loss of farm land.
But, leaving aside the specifics of the story the underlying issue – high numbers of children living in poverty – does have important implications. First, as Mead notes:
Finally, I’d note that this data does raise a serious obstacle for those who argue that the best way to improve the educational outcomes for low-income kids is to send more of them to majority middle class schools. But when more than half of kids live in low-income families, those low-income children can attend majority middle class schools only if they go to schools that serve lower populations of low-income children than the nation as a whole. The idea that slightly increasing the number of low-income kids in middle class schools will get us to educational nirvana is a pipe dream. Given our nation’s current demographics, there is no path to ensuring quality education for all low-income kids that does not require increasing the number of high-performing schools serving significant concentrations of poor and/or low-income children.
In addition, it’s hard to look at these data and not have some concerns about the future of public schools as a broad-based institution in the United States. People with means are opting out of the public schools via “public privates,” public schools in high-property value areas that function like de facto private schools. Meanwhile, although private school enrollment bounces around, the nation’s elite consider generally public school participation a good thing for other people to do – like military service. Some of the reasons are understandable. A black friend in Virginia recently remarked to me that he just couldn’t “risk it” with the public schools for his kids. Anyone with an even cursory understanding of education today can understand where he’s coming from even if they make a different choice. Some of the reasons are also just part and parcel of the more general economic and social separation that is happening in American society.
Not surprisingly a lot of stories looking at how President George W. Bush is similar or different than his brother Jeb, the former Florida governor and current presidential candidate. The Times is here. The New Yorker take focusing on education here.
Here’s one way they differ on policy that hasn’t received a lot of attention. In the NY’er story Sandy Kress alludes to some friction between Florida officials and WH officials during the NCLB-era. That’s because Jeb Bush isn’t a fan of race-based school accountability rules while his brother helped strengthen race-focused accountability rules in federal education policy.
I don’t think there needs to be a [school accountability] requirement based on race. If you’re going to pick anything, pick poverty. [Florida’s] system is better in that it has an extra focus on the lowest [performing] 25 percent.
I get tired of hearing people, well-meaning people, talking about African-American kids or Hispanic kids as if they’re all the same. Which isn’t true. There is a very diverse group of people in both groups in terms of income, objectives in life, aspirations, cultural wants, habits, all the things that make us unique Americans. This identity politics is unhealthy in education policy. It started under our previous president.
That’s a difference with some salience in the current debate over federal education policy as well as broader questions about how best to design social policy.
It doesn’t really matter though because more generally…c’mon. It’s not race-baiting to point out that policies or their absence are going to have an adverse impact. Rather than all the happy talk about how states will handle it the intellectually honest conservative position on federal education policy is that, yes, getting rid of federal rules will lead to more inequity but will help improve educational quality in other ways. It’s not my position. But it’s not indefensible or racist. And the entire education sector would be better off it policy leaders would talk more candidly about the trade-offs of various approaches (Hess and I have done some writing together on that issue).
On ESEA/NCLB policies, pointing out that these policies benefit minority kids isn’t race baiting but neither is opposing them inherently racist. The world isn’t that simple but Hess and Petrilli’s reflexive reaction was.
A lot of it is greatest hits from past efforts to change the No Child law although the idea of letting states choose their own assessments and mix state and local ones is a deal-breaker from an equity standpoint (and also a backdoor way to destroy Common Core).
So the basic political question is, although the bill hasn’t changed that much since Alexander’s last ESEA overhaul attempt, have the politics changed enough for this bill to make it through?
You may have heard (or seen on Twitter), it snowed in the D.C.-area this morning. A fast moving clipper came through and left more snow that was expected. The storm arrived at the worst possible time, peaking during the morning rush in an area that never does snow well.
This, of course, created trouble for school systems that had to make an early morning call about opening or closing based on imperfect information (that turned out to be wrong, the storm exceeded the forecast). Result: It was messy. The picture above is an Arlington County school bus paralyzed on a hill and there was a lot of that going around. Now, a lot of angst about schools being open when people think they should have been closed and several counties have apologized to parents. More examples here. But keep in mind that had this been a storm as forecast the second-guessing would be about how soft school officials were for closing for an inch or two of snow. When the calls are on the edge there is a ritualized element to the complaining. And it’s worth remembering that there are costs to the idea that erring on the side of closing is always the right choice. In addition to lost learning some students lose the best meal they see all day. These snow closing decisions are no-wins for school systems and the marginal calls always look more straightforward in hindsight.
More generally, like so much of education policy The Hangover has become a Rorschach test for a teacher evaluation debate that is mostly impressionistic. We’re not against value-added, but the paper is about its limits as a tool and the broader set of evaluation challenges facing the sector. For my part, a culture of performance – and evaluation is a key part of that – matters most and tools are not a substitute for that. That culture does not exist now at any scale. Besides, although you wouldn’t know it from the rhetoric, value-added data is available for less than a third of teachers. So different approaches and methods – which are more common in most lines of professional work – are needed.
So, the short version is that value-added is more robust than you’ve probably heard but also less useful as a long-term solution in a field like education. And as we note in the paper, the evolution the field is going through now is probably unavoidable but more innovation with genuinely professional approaches to evaluation (and ones that don’t conflict with emerging innovations in K-12 education) is sorely needed. Anyone who tells you they have evaluation figured out isn’t being straight with you. There is a lot to learn but this is a challenge the sector needs to get right to really improve and innovation is the only path forward to learning more.
The potential No Child Left Behind/ESEA reauthorization bill is shaping up to be the Teachers Union Empowerment Act of 2015. Money with no conditions and intense state and local decision-making (where the unions and other vested interests are strongest). Why Lamar Alexander and his more conservative colleagues in the House and Senate are pushing that is a political play so sophisticated it escapes most (including me). Mike Petrilli breaks down the current bidding here.
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